The New and The Old

There is a New Christmas Tale, of course one of joy, and it claims to be a global one. It had been released exactly one month before the day that the Christian world celebrates as Christmas Eve.

And there is still an old Tale: The Christmas Carol as we know it from Charles Dickens – not so joyful, and even depressing …,
Perhaps both have something, though vaguely, in common: the potential for mobilising thoughts and people.

But we have to keep in mind: reality and realism are one thing – and though belief may move mountains, it hardly changes realities as long as these reflect a Tale of Two Cities. (Here the more legible version)
Be it as it is, I hope you will a nice holiday – and in which of these cities you live you should consider that the division is not just one established by walls to the sides. Crucially more important are the foundations on which the walls are erected, the soil on which the cities are established.

COHESION INSTEAD OF INTEGRATION – SHIFTING BORDERS AND THE ROLE OF COMMUNICATION

Cohesion instead of Integration – shifting Borders and the Role of Communication*

Abstract

The contribution presents some theoretical and methodological considerations dealing with communication. The fundamental question is if and if so, to which extent communication plays a new role in today’s societies where borders shifted in multiple ways.

The aim is to provoke reflecting on the multitude of shifting borders, incompletely captured by the concept of globalisation. Furthermore, some ideas will be developed towards communication as part of overcoming the tensions that accompany globalisation. A guideline for achieving multilevel-integration reference will be made to the social quality theory.

Introduction

It is some special and also strange pleasure for me to be here in Dublin, having been invited to address this conference.

I can only try to make a humble contribution – looking at the list of speakers and contributors I am too aware of the fact that I am not expert when it comes to the topic of this conference: Conflict and Communication: A Changing Asia in a Globalizing World.

Still, coming back to this special and strange pleasure, you may easily see why I may be able to make such small contribution as generalist. Dublin is actually the capital of the country where I spent up to not too long ago my life. If you want, I am now returning home after settling in Rome – and saying ‘after settling’ is a bit wrong as I still feel very much being commuter: not without fixed abode, though in some way without place where I am entirely rooted in a traditional sense. And this is finally a main part of the topic I’m supposed to look at: shifting borders.

Probably it would have been more correct to say that I am travelling to different places – but of course the textual dramaturgy suggested the term commuting. It goes back to the very same root as communication – the second pillar of the topic I am talking about: The role of Communication.

The root of both is in commonality – etymologically we see the following.

communication (n.)

late 14c., from Old French comunicacion (14c., Modern French communication), from Latin communicationem (nominative communicatio), noun of action from past participle stem of communicare ‘to share, divide out; communicate, impart, inform; join, unite, participate in,’ literally ‘to make common,’ from communis (see common (adj.)).

(http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=communication&allowed_in_frame=0 – 11.11.2014)

common (adj.)

c.1300, ‘belonging to all, general,’ from Old French comun ‘common, general, free, open, public’ (9c., Modern French commun), from Latin communis ‘in common, public, shared by all or many; general, not specific; familiar, not pretentious,’ from PIE *ko-moin-i- ‘held in common,’ compound adjective formed from *ko- ‘together’ + *moi-n-, suffixed form of root *mei- ‘change, exchange’ (see mutable), hence literally ‘shared by all.’ (http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=common&allowed_in_frame=0 – 11.11.2014)

commute (v.)

mid-15c., ‘to change, transform,’ from Latin commutare ‘to often change, to change altogether,’ from com-, intensive prefix (see com-), + mutare ‘to change’ (see mutable). Sense of ‘make less severe’ is 1630s. Sense of ‘go back and forth to work’ is 1889, from commutation ticket ‘season pass’ (on a railroad, streetcar line, etc.), from commute in its sense of ‘to change one kind of payment into another’ (1795), especially ‘to combine a number of payments into a single one.’ Related: Commuted; commuting.

(http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=commute&allowed_in_frame=0 – 11.11.2014)

Taking this as point of reference, it throws us of course into the very centre of the topic as communication is foundation and reflection of the way in which we live together, the way, and with this I come to the third part of the topic: cohesion instead of integration.

I do not want to make things too difficult – but it only means that I do not want to start immediately with the heavy theoretical considerations. Those who are interested in this – and we all should be – will not have to miss this part, but at least have to show some patience.

Let me first take you to a village in an African state. There is a regular event that employs several people. And mind the term ‘employs’ – it is in fact a very simple thing: the braiding of pigtails. Of course we find a division: some of the people gathering are doing the actual ‘work’ of beautification. But actually these roles change as at some stage everybody is barber or customer. There is something that is much more important here: At any stage of this event everybody is actually producing: and this makes the actually relatively simple act of braiding pigtails a real event: people are chatting, exchanging news, making plans etc.. In actual fact, people are producing and reproducing their social existence, the way in which they live together with all the controls and reassurances.

I am more or less just back from Havana. One of the days, I just walked back from the office, walking down the broad green belt that separates the two lanes of the Paseo, four or five cars passed, moving towards the monument of José Martí: obviously tourists, passing in the old neo-colonial USNA-cars of the 1950s: laughing and shouting, giving the street some of the flair of the old colonial times, and of those later times under the regime of the Batista regime. Oppression, violence had been part of the old time; but also a hegemony of which a friend from Havana said recently in a mail it is to impose not only the mode of production but a way of thinking that make [it] very difficult to explore other paradigms and new ways of sustainable development. In some peculiar way this little scene showed the entire ironical paradox: this group of tourists enjoying themselves, taking photos of the old villas, and at the same time ‘making pictures’: creating in some way an image of the good life: exuberance, romanticising a time that had been everything else than romantic for the majority of the people, for the people who then claimed Soy Cuba. And we may see ‘taking pictures’ in a metaphorical way: they took the picture away that actually dominated the area where I had been that moment. A small child, the mother throwing a colourful plastic ball towards him, the child ‘runs’ behind …, and kneels down … to catch some fruit from one of the trees. Some young lads playing football – they did not need anything else than just a ball, and probably they could have even taking something else for it.

*****

No, it is not about praying the sermon of the simplicity of life. And here Dublin, with this Ireland, is actually in some special way an interesting point to meet: When Ireland joined in 1973 the European Community (as it had been called at that time), it had been one of the poorest countries. Part of the already institutionalised Europe of which some complained at the time about the then new member state Ireland, later also about the accessing Greece and Spain. They had been seen as the poorhouse of Europe. And Ireland, in the beginning part of this poorhouse, moved onto a path which made it later the model pupil of the European Union. And the institutionalised Europe had been – for some time at least – happy to see the successful implementation of its claimed strategy proclaimed in Lisbon where the Heads of States declared in 2000:

The Union has today set itself a new strategic goal for the next decade: to become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world, capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion.

It had been obvious though that these tiger years had been a somewhat illusionary and short-sighted orientation. The Celtic tiger, or as we frequently say in Hungary: the dragon economy had been a deception. In short, the hope of a consolidation, of creating wealth by building on foreign sources and forces: foreign direct investment and export of goods and services as main sources of prosperity.

Of course, I do not want to talk about the political situation in Cuba, nor do I want to engage in discussing the economic development of Ireland; and the braiding of pigtails is only in one respect of immediate relevance for the following, namely as metaphor for cohesion which I want to understand here in a very simple and also unconventional way: it is the emergence of a new form of togetherness in which some form of adaptation can be found, though as such going beyond a simple naturalisation, emergence of a minimum common denominator, levelling by way of meeting on a statistical means or something like that. Instead, cohesion in the here understood sense takes a different point of departure: it is not about the distribution of a pool of resources, but about the pooling of productive potentials. With this perspective, we are actually taking a view that finds its sound and sole point of departure in political economy. And it is also profoundly ‘positive’, i,e, starting from the social as

an outcome of the interaction between people (constituted as actors) and their constructed and natural environment. Its subject matter refers to people’s interrelated productive and reproductive relationships. In other words, the constitutive interdependency between processes of self-realisation and processes governing the formation of collective identities is a condition for the social and its progress or decline.

(van der Maesen, Laurent J.G./Walker, Alan, 2012: Social Quality and Sustainability; in: Van der Maesen, Laurent J.G./Walker, Alan (eds.): Social Quality. From Theory to Indicators: Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan; 250-274; here: 260)

With this we may now reinterpret Niklas Luhmann’s stance – as well known amongst sociologists he opinionated that

social systems do not emerge without communication. The various reasons of the unlikelihood of processes of communication and the way, in which they are overcome and transformed into probabilities, regulate therefore the structure of social systems. We can thus understand the process of socio-cultural evolution as remodelling and extension of the probabilities of promising communication, around which society establishes its social systems; and it is obvious that this is not simply a process of growth but a selective process which determines which kinds of social systems become possible and what is excluded as lacking probability.

(Luhmann, Niklas, 1981: Die Unwahrscheinlichkeit der Kommunikation; in: Luhmann, Niklas, 20095: Soziologische Aufklärung 3. Soziales System, Gesellschaft, Organisation; Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften; 29-40, here: 31; own translation)

There are surely good reasons to criticise Luhmann. Taking a sufficiently wider understanding of communication, we have to accept however that the critical points have to be looked for in other areas and indeed we may say – in rewording Luhmann and also rewording the conference theme:

Looking at changing Asia in a globalising world, communication is decisive in marking the development as one of conflictual and or peaceful in its character.

*****

Looking at the second part of the title

A Changing Asia in a Globalizing World.

we see on the one hand the huge difference of small changes of the wording – but we see with this also the ambiguity of the issue in question: It is about changes in Asia but also about changing China in the process of the globalisation and by this very process. Is there an end? Or a beginning?

This brings me to the one of the theoretical dimensions, namely the world systems theory – I only want very briefly point on it, highlighting the fact that differentiation had been something that took shape in different ways – and in one way or another, during history differentiation had been not least a matter of establishing and maintaining or changing power relationship. And these power-relationships can be understood as matter of social processes, i.e.

an outcome of the interaction between people (constituted as actors) and their constructed and natural environment.

Taking such a perspective means not least these power relations are always a matter of communication, understood as process of exchange between people (understood both as individuals and as nations or regions) and their environment.

Looking at the constructed environment, I want to come to the second theoretical perspective, namely the question of conditions that are of crucial importance in this context – conditions that allow to some extent as well explaining shifts in power positions on a global level. I want to refer to the work of Kondratieff who proposed that the economic development is characterised by major shifts in the technological development, he spoke of bol’shie tsiklys, i.e. major cycles, as elementary forms of an overhaul of the entire productive basis. Each of these cycles is characterised by a developmental pattern, namely prosperity, recession, depression and improvement. With this we find the ‘waves’ as succession of steam engine/cotton; railway/steel; electrical engineering/chemistry; petrochemicals/automobiles; and finally information technology.

There had been much debate about this model from its very beginning – and there had been surely misunderstandings and imputations. Be it as it is, at this point it is important to see Kondratieff’s argument – which I propose here as heuristic instrument – had been in the meantime interpreted as general pattern to be used for the development of the productive forces. As said, I see it primarily as heuristic tool. Some remarks have to do suffice. First, we can – and this is what Kondratieff himself emphasised – see such development simply in empirical terms – major inventions meaning major shifts in production and consumption. Second, he neglected however that this cannot be seen as a simple linear global development. Although we can surely see major developments of horizontal and vertical dispersion, such outreach is a matter of time and as such also causing major disruptions – such disruptions sometimes taking the form of power shifts or consolidation of power. Third, the relationship between the different shifts can take different forms – I any case a crucially important point is that the thus described development of the productive forces has important implications and consequences respectively: first we see hand in hand with this development a shift in patterns of consumptions – as matter of changing supply and also as matter of changing supply. Second, as much as the change of the productive forces is a matter of interaction with the organic environment, i.e. with nature, we see also a potential change of the centre in terms of space: depending on the resources that are linked to a specific stage of the development of the productive forces, we see a push-and-pull process: the centres of production do move towards profitability, and profitability is given where supply and demand in respect of the production is highest. In other words, where the production is most ‘effective’ where it finds the most fertile ground for establishing and maintaining the profitable process of production. (In this context it is important to note that the department I is that of producing mean of production, not that of consumer goods. In the second volume of Marx Capital we read in chapter XIX

The aggregate value of that part of the annual product which consists of means of production is divided as follows: One portion of the value represents only the value of the means of production consumed in the fabrication of these means of production; it is but capital-value re-appearing in a renewed form; another portion is equal to the value of the capital laid out in labour-power, or equal to the sum of wages paid by the capitalists in this sphere of production. Finally, a third portion of value is the source of profits, including ground-rent, of the industrial capitalists in this category.

(Marx, Karl, 1885 [First English Edition 1907, in different translation]: Capital, Volume II [German first edition 1885; second 1893]; in: Karl Marx. Frederick Engels. Collected Works. Volume 36; London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1997)

This proofs the supposition that the price is determined by demand and supply wrong. Demand and supply are relevant in determining the ‘price of production’, and are less determining factors of the price of consumer goods).

This links to a next dimension of the present investigation – the emergence of knowledge and cycles of communication. The fundamental issue at stake is the multiple interweaving of production, power relationships between people and classes, power structures between regions and communication – it is here the point to recall Niklas Luhmann’s words, that

social systems do not emerge without communication. The various reasons of the unlikelihood of processes of communication and the way, in which they are overcome and transformed into probabilities, regulate therefore the structure of social systems. We can thus understand the process of socio-cultural evolution as remodelling and extension of the probabilities of promising communication, around which society establishes its social systems; and it is obvious that this is not simply a process of growth but a selective process which determines which kinds of social systems become possible and what is excluded as lacking probability.

Communication is in its as such ‘neutral’, a tool; however it is a decisive stimulator and implementer by which the potentialities are actually brought into shape. I come back to an observation I mentioned at the beginning, where I spoke in connection with the group of tourists of taking and making a picture. This may be applied here on communication: it tells the story about production, power relationships between people and classes and power structures between regions and at the very same time it makes this story: the narration is a productive process – something that is well known to those who engaged with Deleuze, Foucault and others.

But in the same way as it is true that

[m]en make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please

(Marx, Karl, 1852 b: The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon; in: Karl Marx. Frederick Engels. Collected Works. Volume 11: Marx and Engels: 1851-1853: London: Lawrence&Wishart, 1970: 97- 197; here: 103 f.),

it is trued that communication makes stories, but it does not do so as it pleases but from the

circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past

(ibid.)

And we have to add: it is not only the past but also the present: the conditions and resources it can draw. The conditions are objectively given but nevertheless they are – as relevant facts (thinking of and alluding to Durkheim we may speak of fait significatif) – only given by practice. … Relevance … – looking for a synonym my computer, working with Microsoft ® Word 2008 for Mac (Version 12.3.6 [130206]. Latest Installed Update: 12.3.6), suggests ‘appropriate’. And of course it is only a small step from appropriate, i.e. something being suitable, right, apt to appropriation.

Here we come another time back to Luhmann and this time in direct connection with the given definition of the social. Communication is one of the essential practices: allowing us to interact as people and to interact with our constructed and natural environment in order to produce and reproduce ourselves (so far taken from the definition of the social). And with this we are establishing by our practice probabilities, regulating therefore the structure of social systems, i.e. remodelling and extension of the probabilities of promising communication, around which society establishes its social systems (obviously taken from the paragraph cited from Luhmann).

Communication is then not least a matter of understanding social realities – and this understanding, given by the realities is also shaping these realities.

Here it is useful to refer to Thomas S. Kuhn and his view on ‘The Structure of Scientific Revolutions’. The core of his thesis, and the justification that Kuhn captures political and scientific development in parallel as at times revolutionary is that he sees over time a mismatch emerging between the reality, what we know about the reality and what we need to know in order to maintain our ability to act. Just short time earlier I referred to appropriateness and the fact that it is only a small step from appropriate, i.e. something being suitable, right, apt to appropriation. Taking directly Kuhn’s words in a lengthy quote:

One aspect of the parallelism must already be apparent. Political revolutions are inaugurated by growing sense, often restricted to a segment of the political community, that existing institutions have ceased adequately to meet the problems posed by an environment that they have in part created. In much the same way, scientific revolutions are inaugurated by a growing sense, again often restricted to a narrow subdivision of the scientific community, that an existing paradigm has ceased to function adequately in the exploration of an aspect of nature to which that paradigm itself had previously led the way. In both political and scientific development the sense of malfunction that can lead to crisis is prerequisite to revolution. Furthermore, though it admittedly strains the metaphor, that parallelism holds not only for the major paradigm changes, like those attributable to Copernicus and Lavoisier, but also for the far smaller ones associated with the assimilation of a new sort of phenomenon like oxygen or X-rays. Scientific revolutions, as we noted at the end of Section V, need seem revolutionary only to those whose paradigms are affected by them. To outsiders they may, like the Balkan revolutions of the early twentieth century, seem normal parts of the developmental process. Astronomers, for example, could accept X-rays as a mere addition to knowledge, for their paradigms were unaffected by the existence of the new radiation. But for men like Kelvin, Crookes, and Roentgen, whose research dealt with radiation theory or with cathode ray tubes, the emergence of X-rays necessarily violated one paradigmas it created another. That is why these rays could be discovered only through something’s first going wrong with normal research.

(Kuhn, Thomas S., 1962: The Structure of Scientific Revolutions; Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press, 1962: 92 f.)

With this reference in mind we can also conclude that conflicts within communication are an essential part also of social quality: as matter of adapting life and living conditions to hat is appropriate – appropriateness, here understood not least as scope of opportunities defined by and defining

the constitutive interdependency between processes of self-realisation and processes governing the formation of collective identities [which] is a condition for the social and its progress or decline.

*****

And of course, we arrive with this at the point of communicating knowledge – taken general it is the set of skills, understanding and adjunct values. In brief we may say that it is following a similar pattern of development – a graph from Alice Chamber Wygant’s/O.W. Markley’s 1988-book on Information and the future (page 122) proposes a cycle which we can suggest as communication cycle. This is characterised by the creative idea, moving to elite awareness, movong on to polular awarness and government awareness and arriving at enactment of new policies.

Interesting is not only the change of relevant actors and ‘media’ – from the general to the concrete – but also that the modes of communication, understood as link to ‘applicability’ and daily life are changing. In a nutshell – and here we return to the relevance of the social quality approach – we see the various means as artistic work, science ficiton and fringe media, mass media and novels or poetic works and legislative acts, all having different functions (see ibid.).

The subject matter of the different communicaitons refers to people’s interrelated productive and reproductive relationships. In other words, the constitutive interdependency between processes of self-realisation and processes governing the formation of collective identities is a condition for the social and its progress or decline.

The important part here is that the steering of communication is a process that makes things immediate part of the

circumstances in everyday life

and this is a fact that

concern[s] the heart of the matter for the determination of the quality of the social.

(Beck, Wolfgang/van der Maesen, Laurent/WalkerAlan Walker, 2012: Theoretical Foundations; in: in: Van der Maesen, Laurent J.G./Walker, Alan (eds.): Social Quality. From Theory to Indicators: Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan;  44-69; here: 64)

I do not want to suggest independence nor do I think good communication can solve all problems. Nevertheless I think communication is an issue that needs increasing attention. And the reason is … the increasing lack of communication within an increasing multitude of communication. We all know the pictures: people sitting together, one speaking on the mobile phone, one writing an SMS and the third one being connected to the internet. Seemingly communication is getting tighter but actually it is a kind of non-communication as the contact to what is immediately tangible and in control is lost. In this way it is true that our technical means and access is increasing, the substantial dimension is however at least under severe pressure.

I do not want to go in details – especially in details of theory of communication, communication overflow and burden.

Looking at the methodological dimension behind the Social Quality Theory, an important part is the critique of mainstream thinking in social science and its two central ideological pillars:

  • individualism – and its translation into methodological individualism

and

  • utilitarianism – and its translation into relations as matter of reciprocal and calculable exchanges.

It is an approach that is in a twofold way de-socialised and the different arrays of society stand in a somewhat isolated way side by side as pillars.

Economic Dimension

Social Dimension

Cultural Dimension

Environmental Dimension

…

Figure 1

In some respect we may speak of non-communicating vessels – based on a zero-sum-assumption, and taking the status quo: dominated by neo-liberal economic thinking and practice. The problems are obvious – sub-systemic functionality may be enhanced; however, systemic functionality is diminished or even completely undermined. Furthermore. Dysfunctions may be temporarily or partly or regionally overcome by exchange between the pillars – or we may say in the present context: by conflictual communication. In economic terms this would be about the internalisation of externalities (for instance by making environmental protection profitable; or including people outside of the employment system into employment based social insurance systems). However, the structural faultiness remains in place.

Against this background the alternative is offered by the Social Quality Theory, starting from the assumption that there is one decisive and ultimate ‘binding link’: the social, and taking up on the spirit of the definition we should better talk about the eco-social, i.e. people interacting in and as part of their environment. With this we can arrive at the de-utilitarisation of relations. With the inclusion of the eco-dimension directly linked to the social – and with this to societal practice – we can also work towards avoiding anthropocentrism. We arrive at the following sketch.

Eco-Social (as Concept and Criteria for Practice

Economic Dimension

Welfare Dimension

Cultural Dimension

Environmental Dimension

…

Figure 2

Though this seems to be a long detour, we find here also a point from which we can access the understanding of the contradiction between increasing means of communication and technical abilities to communicate and easily decreasing ‘meaning of communication’: communication is taken out of context. We may – alluding to what Karl Marx said about alienation – say that communicating people are not saying anything whereas people who are not saying anything are communicating. We can clearly see this when it comes to communication today where we even have to arrange phone calls: time is ‘dedicated’, not lived; contexts are constructed and do not exist.

I want to come to the point mentioned in the title: cohesion instead of integration – better to say: I want to make it explicit. Let me again bring the etymological question to the fore:

cohere (v.)

1590s, from Latin cohaerere ‘to cleave together,’ in transferred use, ‘be coherent or consistent,’ from com- ‘together’ (see co-) + haerere ‘to stick’ (see hesitation). Related: Cohered; cohering.

(http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=cohere&allowed_in_frame=0 – 11.11.2014)

cohesion (n.)

1670s, from French cohésion, from Latin cohaesionem (nominative cohaesio) ‘a sticking together,’ noun of action from past participle stem of cohaerere ‘to stick together’ (see cohere).

(http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=cohesion&allowed_in_frame=0 – 11.11.2014)

As such cohesion surely goes beyond of and is different from integration:

integration (n.)

1610s, from French intégration and directly from Latin integrationem (nominative integratio) ‘renewal, restoration,’ noun of action from past participle stem of integrare (see integrate). Anti-discrimination sense is recorded from 1940 in a S.African context.

(http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=integration&allowed_in_frame=0 – 11.11.2014)

And

integrate (v.)

1630s, “to render (something) whole,” from Latin integratus, past participle of integrare “make whole,” from integer “whole” (see integer). Meaning “to put together parts or elements and combine them into a whole” is from 1802. Integrate in the “racially desegregate” sense is a back-formation from integration, dating to the 1948 U.S. presidential contest. Related: Integrated; integrating.

(http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=integrate&allowed_in_frame=0 – 14/11/2013)

Sure, the terminological dimension is only heuristically meaningful. The point in question is concerned with dealing with the challenge of respecting ‘the other’ – not as social construct but as societal reality – and at the same time allowing something new to develop: communications as establishing something common, in common: a new, and possibly spatially, substantially or chronologically limited community.

– I want to end with a question. Can you imagine why a child and young people playing football in a large city, the latter even disturbing the traffic on the Paseo are communicating more and with less conflict than a group of tourists, exchanging words and laughing over distance while driving up the same Paseo? And though I am not Christian I am wondering if you can imagine why the current pope managed to call thousands of people for a 20-minutes silence against violence – and saying with this silence more than the weapons of wars and trade?

*********************

* Notes in Connection with the 5th Annual Conference of the Asian Studies Ireland Association (A.S.I.A.). November 15th/16th 2013 in Dublin

You will soon find the edited and complete version as working paper at WWW.WVFS.AT

Address to the conference CONTEMPORARY RESEARCH TRENDS OF YOUNG SCIENTISTS – POZNAN, OCTOBER 24TH, 2013

Having been invited to be member of the Scientific Committee of this conference had been a special honour for me for several reasons – one being that I could maintain and extend good contacts to Poland, continuing an experiences which had always been very enriching and also pleasant for me. And saying “good” contacts is not least a matter of having been able to attend several conferences and workshops – this and the collaboration with various colleagues brings me to two points that guide this short address to you as participants.

* The contacts and experiences, which had been academically and politically reflecting a wide range of different positions, had been for me very encouraging. In some respect these experiences had been opposing a mainstream trend in (social) science that we may identify as extrinsic motivation: positions and reputation, guidance by peer-reviews instead of open discourse, structured by administrative requirements and funding opportunities instead of fostering open processes. All such criteria that are extern and alien to the actual matter of research are part of a scale that may be seen as suicide of science – with this wording I allude to an excellent study undertaken by Carin Holmquist and Elisabeth Sundin (see Holmquist, Carin/Sundin, Elisabeth (2010) ‘The suicide of the social sciences: causes and effects’, Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research, 23: 1, 13 — 23; DOI: 10.1080/13511611003791141).

* Nevertheless we have to face of course a common challenge: an entirely self-referential system is equally dangerous – and we know too well from the early periods of social science that these systems had been disjoined: academia as a world that had been sealed off in an ivory tower, careers depending to a large extent on patronage.

Actually many of the current processes and structures – peer-reviewing, administrative and managerial control etc. can be seen as reply on these self-referential systems, and paradoxically establishing similarly estranged patterns of encapsulation.

Indeed it is highly problematic if we see academic work being undertaken without any responsibility in terms of external standards.

Of course, we are entering here a complex field – and we have to be careful with any one-sided explanation and critique. I want to take up on just one aspect – a general one that is concerned with the economic setting within which we are working as researchers and also as teachers. And I do not want to take up the surely important aspect of ‘commodification’ of science and academic work and its subordination under the requirement of immediate profitability. A issue that is more fundamental is the general concern with the mode of production – in a less ambitious formulation the concern with the question: What is actually the reasoning that is guiding our economic activities and thinking? Again and in its own terms a complex field that had been employing the thinking of the three adversaries that are also determining contemporary debates in alphabetical order: Keynes, Marx and Mills.

Keynes talked about reaching a level of saturation with material goods that would allow us to concentrate again on those issues that are of real importance:

The day is not far off when the economic problem will take the back seat where it belongs, and the arena of the heart and the head will be occupied or reoccupied, by our real problems / the problems of life and of human relations, of creation and behavior and religion. (http://thinkexist.com/quotes/john_maynard_keynes/ – 17/06/2013)

Marx highlighted that we move towards a mode of production that allows working in a completely different way. In the German Ideology we read:

In communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of
activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes, society regulates the general production and thus makes it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticize after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, shepherd or critic.

(Marx, Karl/Engels, Frederick, 1845-46: The German Ideology. Critique of modern German Philosophy According to its Representatives Feuerbach, Ba. Bauer and Stirner, and of German Socialism According to its Various Prophets; in: Karl Marx/Frederick Engels. Collected Works. Volume 5. Marx and Engels: 1845-47; London: Lawrence& Wishart, 1976: passim)

And in the Critique of the Gotha Programme we read that distribution is guided by needs.

Mills finally talks about the developed society as ‘static society’, not geared to growth as ultimate aim.

There is one important aspect, though coming from different perspectives, underlying all three paradigms – and this could also be seen as something important as guideline and challenge for academic work: We can summarise it by saying that we are dealing with complex soci(et)al practice. This practice in its complexity has to be motive, the foundation from which we start and at the very same time its ultimate goal.

Importantly we all, if we are working in social science or any field of science in the strict sense of English language have to think about this question – what the social and its practice is about.

I cannot present this in detail – but I want to point out one direction that I think is highly valuable in this respect and that employs much of my work: the theory of social quality. It is an approach that systematically develops an understanding of what the social, understood as noun, is about. The understanding is guided by three dimensions: conditional, constitutional and normative factors. Me may translate and say: it is a matter of considering the conditions which we find and have to develop, constituting through our practice the processes that these conditions become real and considering the meaning and impact this practice has for others and our environment – and of course with this we are back to the conditions that are not once and forever given but shaped by our own practice.

With this I want to close my remarks by quoting Boaventura de Sousa Santos

It is important not to reduce realism on what exists. Doing so we would only justify the existing, not withstanding how injustice and suppressing it may be.

(Sousa Santos, Boaventura de, 1997: Hacia una concepción multicultural de los derechos humanos: 15; http://democraciayterritorio.wordpress.com/2008/08/09/hacia-una-concepcion-multicultural-de-los-derechos-humanos/ – 06/10/13)

World Systems Theory and Theory of Social Quality as Proposal for a Methodology for Rethinking a World in Crisis and Transformation

 

(Prelimanry version – an updated version will be published in due time as working paper at http://www.wvfs.at)

World Systems Theory and Theory of Social Quality as Proposal for a Methodology for Rethinking a World in Crisis and Transformation1

Abstract

Two fundamental problems are standing at the outset of my considerations:

  • The current crisis is often seen as the deepest, longest lasting, fundamental etc.; however: it is not clearly spelt out that we are dealing with a truly systematic crisis.

comme une crise du système économique et également du système anthroponomique, c’est-à-dire du système qui concerne toute la vie humaine en dehors de l’économie, avec ses quatre moments : le parental, le travail, le politique et l’informationnel (la connaissance, la culture). (Ivorra, Pierre, 2013: Crise de civilisation, crise de 2008-2010 et solutions systémiques; in: Économie&Politique. Revue marxiste d’économie; 708-709, Juillet-Août 2013; 39-39; here: 39; see also Boccara, Paul, 2010: La crise systémique : une crise de civilisation. Ses perspectives pour avancer vers une nouvelle civilisation, note de la Fondation Gabriel Péri)

  • Globalisation is a nearly permanent point of reference in contemporary debates, however it is not clearly spelled out as something that is characterised by two very different dimensions which are actually to some extent contradicting each other: the one can be captured by an increasing density of relations between nation states and regions – the character of these may be very different; the other is a matter of the factually increased relational interdependence – and factual also means that the knowledge of this relational interdependence becomes a material force very much like theory that captures the masses.

The challenge is to find a proper analytical framework that allows taking both, the systemic character of the crisis and the globalisation of the current challenges in the second understanding of globalisation serious. Bringing World Systems Theory and Social Quality Theory together, provides a promising framework for finding an answer to present challenges.

****

Looking at the current crisis in the said understanding of globalisation, it is quickly getting obvious that highlighting its global character is not least characterised by the fact that there is no escape possible: where previously economic development and crisis had been characterised by apparent opportunities to ‘externalise’ unwanted moments in space and/or time, this is not possible anymore. Though there may be in some respect still escapes, this is more the exception than the rule. However, the reception of the crisis remains caught in national thinking – we may speak of methodological nationalism in the sense Maurice Roche coined the term, contending that analysis and politics

are designed on a basis which appears to take the nation state, its sovereignty and the powers of its government utterly for granted.
(Roche, Maurice, 1992: Rethinking Citizenship: Welfare, Ideology, and Change in Modern Society; Polity: 184 f.; quoted in Gore, Charles, 1996: Methodological Nationalism and the Misunderstanding of East Asian Industrialisation; in: European Journal of Development Research; 8, 77-122 [1 June 1996]: 80 doi: 10.1080/09578819608426654)

Gore himself goes further, pointing out

Explanations which are methodologically nationalist try to explain economic and social trends in countries, basically reference to facts about the countries themselves. The focal object of understanding is often described as the economic or social ‘performance’ of a country, usually in comparison with other countries. Specific performances are typically ‘explained’ by dividing causal factors into ‘internal’ and ‘external’ factors, and then attributing what is happening in a single country or set of countries within a region of the world … mainly to internal factors.
(Gore, op.cit.: 80 f.)

This is a rather fundamental moment that is in some way reaching further than aggressive nationalism and its internationalisation as imperialism. It is accepting theoretically and in ultimate terms of policy-making nationality as last reason. Such approach of methodological nationalism actually reduces all debates on globalisation on a line of international relationships, not allowing a cosmopolitical stance. This contradicts in a fundamental way the developmental stage of the means of production. It means also that it takes a wrong emphasis on political processes and structures, neglecting the fundamental issue of political economy. The nation state had been seedbed and result of the emergence of capitalism. With capitalism reaching obviously its structural limits, we have to open the view also in terms of the framework of regulation – and we all know that this is already in different ways taking part: World Bank, IMF, UN etc. are just few examples – showing the general need and also the limitations arising in the current situation.

Moving this argument further we face in very general terms following, in part contradicting, patterns.

(i) Local reference of production (with its four elements: manufacturing, consumption, distribution and exchange) does not play decisive role. Importantly this includes the increasing relevance of locality: the number of small traders, local consumption is growing hand in hand with the number and spread of large corporations.

(ii) Based on different mechanisms, we find in terms of the mode of production developments pointing in opposite directions: large scale, automated production is standing side by side with an again increasing small-scale, craftsmanship guided work.

(iii) Notwithstanding the fact of global dominance of the capitalist mode of production, we see that the always prevailing non-capitalist elements are currently regaining relevance also in quantitative terms:

  • the increasing meaning of work disfavouring labour
  • increasing meaning of direct exchange and even of use-value exchange, not replacing market-mediated forms but complementing them in certain areas that go beyond the “neighbourly help” that is already well known as epiphenomenon of capitalism
  • increasing meaning of ‘direct provisions’ both as direct provision of statutory services and as ‘charitable welfare’
  • also in the political sphere we find increasingly signs of a shift beyond the patterns of democratic-national policy production; this is not primarily about the increasing meaning of supra- and international bodies – more important is the loss of demos as at least formally acknowledged point of reference and actor.[2]

(iv) With this we find another contradictory pattern, namely the fact that on the one hand globally economics takes completely over, penetrating all pores of life, however meaning at the same time that any development, and with this any crisis, is also a systemic crisis, already defined as

une crise du système économique et également du système anthroponomique, c’est-à-dire du système qui concerne toute la vie humaine en dehors de l’économie, avec ses quatre moments : le parental, le travail, le politique et l’informationnel (la connaissance, la culture).
(Ivorra, Pierre, 2013: Crise de civilisation, crise de 2008-2010 et solutions systémiques; in: Économie&Politique. Revue marxiste d’économie; 708-709, Juillet-Août 2013; 39-39; here: 39; see also Boccara, Paul, 2010: La crise systémique : une crise de civilisation. Ses perspectives pour avancer vers une nouvelle civilisation, note de la Fondation Gabriel Péri)

****

Not only the crisis points on instability – perhaps even more a proof of systemic instability is the persistence of systemic alternatives. Admittedly, the ‘great revolution’ has been lost – it is not the occasion to fully discuss the details. A short note, however, is required: In my understanding one of the major problems has not been a ‘political failure’; nor do we have to blame primarily the ‘economic strength of the West’. Instead I think we have to investigate that this search for alternatives had not been extended on the entire and complex mode of production with all the different aspects of manufacturing, consumption, distribution and exchange as relationship of elementary forms of society building.

This brings me to the two main analytical dimensions that I want to suggest for both, analysis and developing a perspective for future politics and policies.

World Systems Theory

The positive side of World Systems Theory is that it provides a framework that allows thorough consideration of the complexity of relationships between states and regions, considering these not least as power relationships going far beyond recently increased and accelerated ‘trade relations’. And of utmost importance is the fact that World Systems Theory draws our attention to hegemonic relations: capitalism as dominant system, though structuring dominance, ruling and governance in highly complex and differentiated ways. Important is not least the fact that hegemony also means the differentiated involvement of those who are object of processes of ruling into the systems of ruling (governance).

Though the debates on this are in detail varied, it may be said that the differentiated view on the actual mode of production in a complex way – going beyond a rough formative perspective – remained limited. We may speak of ‘methodological capitalism’, not sufficiently allowing the view on a world systems in which capitalism does not exist or is not dominant. Even the link between hegemonic centres and subordinated periphery is not sufficiently analysed by way of thoroughly considering differences in the modes of production. The present proposal – still only a rough outline – emphasises that any mode of production is in actual fact a composition of different moments. Broadly we may say one dimension consists of the four elementary forms of production, namely production (A), consumption (B), distribution (C) and exchange (D).

The other dimension is based on the contradictory moments pointed out earlier. It is schematised in the conceptual form of considering spatiality and time-comprehensiveness of production (1), economies of scale (2), value dimension of production [priority of use or exchange value] (3) and (4) political-economic governance.

Lacking a better term, I propose to classify each of them by their ‘degree of modernity’.[3] This translates into the following meanings of ‘developed stages’

(1) national boundary, oriented on competitiveness

(2) large scale, ‘industrial’ production

(3) dominance of exchange value, disfavouring use value

(4) rational and bureaucratic rule of law.

Now we have to consider a further step, namely the application of these dimensions on two levels, namely the national (or possibly regional) level (I) and the international level (ii).

Bringing this together, allows us presenting the following scheme.

 

1

2

3

4

A

               

B

               

C

               

D

               
 

I

II

I

II

I

II

I

II

Matrix 1: Analytical Scheme for Assessing Countries

This may be also seen as foundation for an empirical analysis of a global order, classifying the dependencies. It would be calculated a weighed index that comprises the different countries and regions on the basis of their share in performance values. However, importantly we have to recognise that the valuation and weighing has two dimensions: the one is the simple calculation of relevant values; more difficult is however determining the qualitative aspect. This is actually of crucial meaning at this historical stage. In a nutshell: we see that many of the standards are breaking away and the hegemonic claims cannot be made on the same foundations which had been unquestioned for a long time: growth of GDP as standard measuring wealth, economies of scale, locality and identity … – these are just few examples marking shifts on the scale of valuation of the foundation of hegemonic claims.

Social Quality Theory

This leads directly to the argument that social quality is actually not just an attractive paradigm. Instead we find here a proposal that is geared towards rethinking a world in crisis and transformation.

We may say that World Systems Theory is in some way only a formal framework, considering an important and even central aspect of societal constitution of which Frederick Engels said that

[a]ccording to the materialist conception, the determining factor in history is, in the last resort,, the production and reproduction of immediate life. But this itself is again of a twofold character. On the one hand, the production of the means of subsistence, of food, clothing and shelter and the implements required for this; on the other, the production of human beings themselves, the propagation of the species. The social institutions under which men of a definite historical epoch and of a definitive country live are determined by both kinds of production: by the stage of development of labour, on the one hand, and of the family on the other.
(Engels, Frederick, 1884: The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State [in the light of the researches by Lewis H. Morgan]; in: Karl Marx. Frederick Engels. Collected Works. Volume 26. Engels: 1882-1889; London: Laurence&Wishart, 1990: 129-276; here: 131)

However, only recognising the complex points Engels makes, allows us elaborating the substantial side which World Systems Theory falls short to develop. Of course, classical Marxist analysis left a large part of the social dimension outside of its immediate consideration, not least by implicitly developing it implicitly by providing a methodological framework.

  • A shortcoming, however, has to be seen in the fact that the classical Marxist approach had been very much limited by focusing the analysis on the emerging capitalist formation – suggesting this way a very specific take on social issues.[4]
  • Furthermore, leaving few exceptions aside, the idea of ‘one society’ did actually not exist – instead, class society as divided society had been ‘accepted reference’. ‘Hegemony’, in this respect, had been only spelled out as blunt ruling of market force: oppression, hierarchy, dependency, living at the margins … – all this had been by and large unquestioned and did not need much of justification by pretending harmony. The divided society had been given and it had been suggested as ‘natural order’. As it had been a reinterpretation of the ‘liberal citizen-society’, the revolution of the citoyenitée had been a ‘failed but maintained project’: It had been failed as it did not keep its promises of equality and fraternity; however, it had been maintained by promising ongoing liberty, though reduced on freedom of the agents on the market. In this sense the paradox had been that a highly unequal society that could justifiably claim to be the heir of the anti-feudalist revolution.
  • As much as the ‘project capitalist formation’ had been caught by and limited in the framework of a utilitarian project, the adjunct ‘social project’ had been caught in the same limitation: as the one had been very much guided by methodological nationalism, the other had been very much based in methodological individualism. Both moved in the very same framework. For the social project it meant for instance pedagogisation, psychologisation, ‘securitisation’, and ‘provisionalisation’ (granting of benefits and services) and the like.
  • This meant not least that thinking (about) the social had been limited in the ability to develop a perspective that would be able to transcend presence as time frame and nation state as space. Furthermore, it limited in this way the social perspective as an ‘add-on’, not being able to present a truly genuine understanding of the social.

The social quality theory is an approach that had been developed from the middle of the 1990s in order to argue in favour of a more social Europe. However, being in the beginning very much concerned with a rebuke of ‘economistic over -determination’, it became increasingly clear that the problem is not a supposed dominance of the economic sphere. Instead, the problem had been increasingly getting seen as a lack of the definition of the social – understood as noun. In general, social science refers to the social without even thinking about its underlying substance area – substituting considerations by reference to supposed aggregates (as society, state etc.) or to assumed attributes of values and moral characteristics. Analysing social situations in this light had been usually rather short-sighted, being on the one hand concerned with institutional perspectives of provisions of socio-economic security (pensions, health care, social benefits …), looking on the other hand at ethical and moral dimensions of behaviour. The SQT, however, looks at the social, understood as noun and defined as

an outcome of the interaction between people (constituted as actors) and their constructed and natural environment. Its subject matter refers to people’s interrelated productive and reproductive relationships. In other words, the constitutive interdependency between processes of self-realisation and processes governing the formation of collective identities is a condition for the social and its progress or decline.
(van der Maesen, Laurent J.G./Walker, Alan, 2012: Social Quality and Sustainability; in: Van der Maesen, Laurent J.G./Walker, Alan (eds.): Social Quality. From Theory to Indicators: Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan; 250-274; here: 260)

The definition had been developed by applying an iterative approach – which had been originally limited to EUropean member states.[5]

It is based in three sets of factors, namely: conditional factors, constitutional factors and normative factors, defined by four dimensions each. We arrive at an architecture, determining the social and allowing to assess its quality, which is bringing constitutional, conditional and normative factors together (see van der Maesen, Laurent J.G., November 20th, 2012: Working-paper no 9: Elaboration of a Lecture on the Orientation, Strategies and Model (or Experiences) of the City of Hangzhou (Zhejiang province of mainland China),  from a comparative; working papers at http://socialquality.eu/ – 20/09/2013 : 4).

As said, so far the concept had been originally developed in the collaboration of colleagues from EU-member states, and later it had been further discussed with colleagues from different Asian countries (see for the latter http://www.socialquality.net/).

All this is surely still work in progress – the following major challenges can be made out at this stage:

  • to integrate rights-based thinking, and this is also legal paradigms into the theory;
  • probably more urgent point is to develop a clearer economic thinking in this context, i.e. to develop social quality thinking further in connection with political economy;
  • to globalise the approach, i.e. to go beyond its application in different countries and regions and adapt the general scaffold to the conditions en lieu: at the end – and linking to what had been said – we always have been  and are increasingly visibly and palpable for everybody – living in one global world: not “interconnected nation states” but one space, defined by the same conditions, challenges, practices and futures;
  • to ‘communitiaraise’ the approach by looking at concrete ways in which people accommodate their lives in the given circumstances.

Social quality in this brief outline will provide a useful guideline and framework for the envisaged research. A clearer understanding requires however to enter a wider array of paradigms that should at least be briefly mentioned as complementing SQT and SQA, allowing at least to arrive at a clearer understanding of the context in which developments of societies, the social and identity stand today. Important is that this approach actually focuses on two ends. On the one side against national or spatial boundaries. This can be summarised by two contentions, presenting the political and the economic perspective. Hans Heinrich Rupp states that

thinking in spational categories is the enemy of all academic legal attempts to conceive of law as a social phenomenon
(Rupp, Hans Heinrich, 1991 : Grundfragen der heutigen Verwaltungsrechtslehre; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck: 258)

Philip E. Steinberg marks the economic dimension, contending that

the territorial state emerged concurrent with the deterritorialization of political economy and geographical imagination
(Steinberg, Philip E., 2009: Sovereignty, Territory, and the Mapping of Mobility: A View from the Outside; in: Annals of the Association of American Geographers; 99, 3, 467-495: 468).

On the other hand, however, it emphasises the ultimate importance of the community level as place of immediate interaction and with this (re-)production of the social.

****

Now, the optimistic view so far is that we are actually able to refer to a methodological framework – perhaps we may even claim two frameworks: one of methodological mondialism and the other of methodological socialism – allowing us to analyse the current situation fairly well. And it is also a framework that is actually relatively open to different ideological approaches. Relatively means it takes openly position towards the political goal of a world society that provides equal opportunities for all – a formula that brings together the three sets of factors; but within this broad remit it recognises accepting different traditions, different structural patterns and set-ups and different concrete political processes coming to the fore as strategic perspectives.

The, for me, most important point is that we reached a historical turning point that bears some similarities with the situation to which Karl Marx referred, claiming that

[a]t a certain stage of development it brings forth the material agencies for its own dissolution. From that moment new forces and new passions spring up in the bosom of society; but the old social organisation fetters them and keeps them down.
(Marx, Karl, 1867: Capital Vol. I; in: Karl Marx. Frederick Engels. Collected Works; Volume 35; London: Lawrence&Wishart, 1996: 749)

Seemingly – at first glance – this contests both, many aims we had been striving for and many achievements reached during the historical development of the last 150 plus years: social insurance, social benefits, even human rights in the understanding of mainstream interpretations. This mans, however, only to recognise fully the historical character of society and the social.

I have to limit myself to highlighting few fields that I see as being of utmost importance under the heading of the search for international humanitarian law.

  1. We actually have to go beyond the search for humanitarian law, and reclaim demanding true human rights
  2. We have to develop anti-imperialism by way of moving towards genuine mondialism
  3. We have to search for ways overcoming ‘social provisionalism’ by enabling soci(et)al self-determination
  4. We have to find ways of re-naturalising the mode of production, re-installing it as conscious metabolism.

Ad 1

I suggest that there is a certain shortcoming if we speak of humanitarian law.

  • Though the term humanitarian suggests intuitively an emphasis on relations between human beings, founded in mutual respect (which carries always an egalitarian notion with it), it suggests also a rather ‘soft’ understanding of such respect and egalitarianism. In this respect, reference to human beings has a stronger recognition of respecting human existence in its own value.
  • The important relationality, i.e. complex of relations between human beings – is regained by orienting on rights. With this we are overcoming some structural limitations of law which tends to reduce dealings on formalised relations between individuals.

Such orientation would not least mean to orient strongly on the right to self-determined (re-)production in terms of

  • determining use-values, instead of being determined by exchange values; this includes importantly the recognition of the (re-)production of social relations as productive force;
  • optimising relationships to – or better: the integration into – ‘nature’, i.e. a determined respect of collective rights within a given organic environment; this can be integrated into the proposal made by Durkheim by his analysis of mechanical solidarity.[6]

Taken together, this means that a human rights perspective has to develop towards a 4th generation: The right to collective (re-)productive self-determination, based on environmental integrity.

Ad 2

Seemingly contradicting is the second point, demanding a genuine mondialist perspective. Global competition and the orientation of competitiveness is as much in the way of such strategic as any attempt towards autarkic seclusion. This has especially major implications for international trade and taxation. Point of reference is ultimately a non-anthropocentric, non-present-time orientation. This means to see human existence as part of a much wider spectrum of existence: in question is indeed the universe and the possibility of the universal reproduction on a permanent (sustainable) basis. The rejection of anthropocentrism human existence escapes the equation. In actual fact, human existence enters exactly here the stage by emphasising its existence s complex and concrete relation. Being ‘part of’ nature means that it existence surely takes parts out of nature (pars capere) but it also means that it can only exist within it and by securing its reproduction. Securing these (inter-)dependencies is thus essential.

We are dealing with a specifically defined level of abstraction. On the one hand we are forced to look at a very concrete level of people’s practice as

[r]elations are the most abstract and metaphysical ideas of any which men can have occasion  to form, when they are considered by themselves and separated from the related object.
(Hugh Blair:  Lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres; in:  Birindellei, Massimo (1981): Piazza San PietroRoma/Bari: Editori Laterza: 0)

However, on the other hand we are challenged to accept the concrete not simply as ‘something given’ but as something that is historically created and that can be changed. As Boaventura de Sousa Santos points out

it is important not to reduce realism on what exists. Doing so we would only justify the existing, not withstanding how injustice and suppressing it may be.
(Sousa Santos, Boaventura de, 1997: Hacia una concepción multicultural de los derechos humanos: 15; http://democraciayterritorio.wordpress.com/2008/08/09/hacia-una-concepcion-multicultural-de-los-derechos-humanos/ – 06/10/13)

Ad 3

With this we arrive at a third point. Without tracing the line of historical development thoroughly back we can say that we reached a new stage on which human practice is divided in the following ways:

  • One dividing line is going right through practice itself and defines economic activities as separate from the entirety of human practice. In the extreme we find it reflected in Marx’ formulation on alienation, pointing on

the fact that labor is external to the worker, i.e., it does not belong to his intrinsic nature; that in his work, therefore, he does not affirm himself but denies himself, does not feel content but unhappy, does not develop freely his physical and mental energy but mortifies his body and ruins his mind. The worker therefore only feels himself outside his work, and in his work feels outside himself. He feels at home when he is not working, and when he is working he does not feel at home.
(Marx, Karl, 1844: Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts; in: Karl Marx Frederick Engels. Collected Works Volume 3: Marx and Engels 1843-1844; London: Laurence&Wishart, 1975: 229-346; here: 274)

  • Second, this establishes a central dividing line, juxtaposing in opposition human existence and human beings on the one hand and nature on the other hand. This is not about the freedom gained by knowing the laws of nature but it is about knowing the laws of nature in order to subordinate nature itself under humankind.
  • With this we find as third dividing line the one between past, present and future. This is not as such a problem – the problem only begins where the need of continuity – as matter of working within the historical process – is denied and a loan is taken on the future without including considerations into the present practice about how to pay this loan back.
  • A fourth dividing line – to some extent bringing different lines together – concerns the regionally unequal distribution: though soci(et)al (re-)production is and will – objectively – always be a holistic process, it is artificially divided n respect of space and time: we borrow from other countries and from the future without considering the effects. And this means of course that some countries are lenders. And some countries are donors. Now, important is terminological clarity. Though the rich countries may be indeed seen as donor countries in terms of money, they are actually only doing so by way of paying a kind of interest for the goods and services they receive. We can express this also in economic terms: parallel to constant capital, replacing variable capital we find here finance capital replacing real capital. Fact is, however, that the replacement of variable capital by constant capital (‘rationalisation’) can be structurally viable, the replacement of real capital by finance capital cannot. Actually this form of replacement (‘f by r’) is the attempt to maintain capitalism as ‘virtual project’.
  • This is manifested in a fifth dividing line, actually a bundle of lines as between rural and urban areas, between the commodity producing Global South and the commodity consuming Global North, but increasingly between the global rich and the global poor.[7]

Of course, of crucial importance is with all this the matter class division, which finds then also its prolongation and extension as part and parcel of the other divisions.

In actual fact, we are dealing with complex and interwoven processes of division: borrowing from the future and borrowing from other regions and borrowing from other classes and borrowing from nature are possibly temporarily advantageous. However, in the medium and especially long run such borrowing is not viable. Moreover, in the short and medium run it means facing an increasing limitation of the scope of action as soci(et)al practice is reduced on compensation by provision, not providing space for self-determination. – The debate on so-called developmental aid shows this throughout history again and again – even more: money spent is in multiplied forms flowing back into the so-called donor countries.

To the extent to which the provisions are not part of the production itself, we face multiple dilemmas which can be summarised by saying that systems loose the capacities to reproduce themselves – this can be seen in the ‘bubble-economies’, demographic ‘imbalances’, environmental hazards, the fact that formal norms are overgrowing substantial rules, and not least the fact that ‘productive’ potentials are disregarded as they are not taking the commodity form. Many other features could be mentioned.

Demanding overcoming ‘social-provisionalism’, i.e. mechanisms of correcting soci(et)al ills by ex-post provisions, then means in simple terms moving towards a (re-)convergence of the various

  • technical
  • social
  • temporal and
  • spatial

moments of (re-)production.

In actual fact we are another time returning to the importance of regional cultures of self-determined production.

Ad 4

Al this means in particular the re-establishment of the true metabolism that is entailed in production proper. The most-far reaching separation characterising the development of the productive forces is actually the one that is concerned with tendency of overcoming the dependency of or at least stretching the distance between human kind and nature. It is not about rejecting rationalisation and a rebuke of technical progress. However, it is about rejecting a dominance of technisation that leads to a stage where we are producing without knowing the reason behind it.

I want to conclude with a remark taken from speech given by Ernesto Che Guervara, addressing his co-workers at the ministry of industry in 1961, facing new challenges:

We can all contribute with our own efforts, everybody with his/her own view which may very different; and based on his/her own convictions which may also be very different, but always aiming on contributing in the vital work – leaving the figures behind, as far as this is possible, interpreting the reality as it really is. That does not mean to return to the short-sighted practicism of the first days but we have to find a point of reference to combine the two essential things in an optimal way: namely on the one hand the practical and immediate knowledge, the reality and communication amongst us and on the other side the large abstract effort which is necessary to fulfil our tasks.
(Che Guevara, Ernesto,  October 6th, 1961: Gibt es ein Recht auf Verschwendung; in: Che Guevara, Ernesto: Der Neue Mensch. Entwürfe für das Leben in der Zukunft. Selected, interpreted and introduced by Horst-Eckart Gross; Dortmund: Weltkreis: 1984: 61-80; here: 63)


[1]            Preparations for a presentation for the workshop on Strategic Studies: Rethinking a World in Crisis and Transformation held by the Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional, Havana, October 2013

[2]            This is in actual facto a far-reaching statement, suggesting policy making as process of production that follows similar patterns as capitalist commodity production.

[3]            ‘Modernity’ in the present understanding is by no means understood as simply a progressive and positive pattern or stage of development. Instead, here it is simply a ‘descriptive’ means, capturing the pattern of societal organisation that developed with the contradictions as result of the bourgeois revolution and Western-style enlightenment.

[4]            Given by the need of thinking about issues concerned with securing matters of mere existence.

[5]            Due to the origin of the work and the availability of funding

[6]            In this light the term ‘organic’ environment refers very much to the biological understanding of nature etc.

[7]            Expressing the fact that there is an increasing wealth in so-called developing countries and the emergence of “pockets” of poverty, precarity etc in the so-called developed countries.

Footnotes on modern Social Policy

Never forget reading footnotes, like this one, in chapter 25 of Marx Capital, volume I

To one of these gentlemen the taste of his rent was so grateful that he indignantly declared to the Commission of Inquiry that the whole hubbub was only due to the name of the system. If instead of —”gang” it were called —the “Agricultural Juvenile Industrial Self-supporting Association,” everything would be all right.

Precarity – The General Crisis of Capitalism

Sure, working conditions today cannot be compared with those of the 1800s, but it is surely worthwhile to have a closer look at the overall shift that is going on in our societies. This had been topic of my recent presentation

Precarity – An Issue of Changed Labour Market and Employment Patterns or of Changed Social Security Systems?

during the EuroMemo-meeting in London.

The problem is indeed that we are facing a crisis that is going much beyond the economic crisis. It is a systemic crisis in the true meaning – and as such it is also a crisis of and for the ruling class. Coming from here, the question is not primarily one that looks for the relevant actors today. nor is it primarily a matter of simple-to-provide policy recommendations – the latter easily looking at an exit of the crisis instead of being serious about overcoming of permanently reoccurring crises.

We should not forget that capitalism is fundamentally and permanently characterised by unemployment though this takes very different forms, of course. These are not least characterised by cyclical movements.

What is then new about precarity?

We may have a look at the very general pattern of societal development which is characterised by a movement towards inclusion. However, this secular process (inclusion as matter of increasing appropriation of the “external nature” by human being) is going hand in hand with avower-related division.

Moving away from the philosophical perspective and looking at the economic side of it we find an interesting development, now looking only at the development that characterises capitalism/industrialism: a first movement is best characterised as rationalisation: reducing the variable part of capital in favour of the constant part of capital, and namely the part of the fixed capital. With the further development of capitalist production – and that means as well: the further development of the means of production, we find a more or less fundamental change of the process of realisation: as much as financialisation means that part of the capital is realising itself outside (and seemingly independent) of the process of production we see that labour and work are somewhat merging – at least the borders are blurring. In other words: at this stage they are actually not pushed back within the process of realisation by rationalisation. Instead labour is pushed to an area that is outside of the process of realisation. It deserves empirical investigation if this is actually going hand in hand with another change of the structure of capital, namely a decrease of the fixed capital in favour of an increase of the circulating capital – looking at anecdotal evidence the movement is contradicting.

A surely dangerous development as long as the system of gaining and maintaining material resources is still based on the traditional patterns of life-long full-time employment. With relevant policy development s it may also be an opportunity in the course of moving beyond the fetters of the capitalist mode of production. A further question is then in the wider historical perspective if and in which way we can actually refer to a permanently extension of the process of realisation. Putting the question in a different way we reach with the changed mode of production the challenge to turn away from a pattern of exponential growth, moving at least towards considering different perspectives on the objectives of the economy of (global) society (see in this context also Herrmann, Peter, 2013: Methodological considerations for a Theory of Social Policy/Social Policy Research at the Interface of Political Economy and Politics of Social Order: 13f).
Obviously, policy challenges arise for the areas employment, taxation and income, social security and societal policies. And they have to be consider both, system-conform and also system-transcending options.

Related reflections can be found in the working paper here – an earlier version had been replaced.

Critique as confirmation …

How criticising can confirm that the criticised is at least in part correct

The book is only in part worthwhile reading – the argumentation is too often unconventional. Adam quotes frequently authors as the visionary Herman Oberth or the japanese physicist Michio Kaku and his adventurous visions of the future. that do not really represent the academic mainstream.

In question is the book Kampf gegen die Natur. Der gefährliche Irrweg der Wissenschaft and the review by Gottfried Plehn in MaxPlanckForschung 1/13, page 90. I did not read Adam’s book – in question is the consideration of the reviewer: no representing the mainstream is problematic. With such disqualifying expression Plehn stands in the rows of those who one stood applauding against the thesis that the planet earth moves. Indeed, the thinking of the Plehns obviously did not move a single inch. Sure, Gottfried Plehn is probably not sufficiently important to be mentioned. However, he is part of a mafia in academia that push towards suicide of science.

Wie verkommen …?

Wie verkommen muss man eigentlich sein, um ernsthaft die Besprechung eines Buches wie folgt zu schliessen?

Lesenswert ist das Buch nur in Teilen, zu oft ist die Argumentation eigenwillig. Adam zitiert häufig Autoren wie den Weltraumfantasten Hermann Oberth oder den japanischen Physiker Michio Kaku und dessen kühne Zukunftsvisionen, die nicht gerade den Mainstream der Wissenschaft präsentieren

Es geht um das Buch Kampf gegen die Natur. Der gefährliche Irrweg der Wissenschaft und die Besprechung von Gottfried Plehn in MaxPlanckForschung 1/13, Seite 90 Was auch immer von dem Buch zu halten ist, was auch immer die Referierten Oberth und Kaku von sich gegeben haben: diese Art der Kritik ist nur eine Bestätigung, dass die Mainstream-Wissenschaft mit vielem kämpft, aber nur begrenzt mit den eigenen Problemen. Mit dieser unqualifizierten Ausdrucksweise reiht sich Plehn in jene Reihen, die seinerzeit applaudierend gegen die These standen, dass sich die Welt doch bewege. Es geht hier nur um die Art der Auseinandersetzung: und die zeigt, dass sich der Geist Plehn’s tatsächlich nicht bewegt hat. Er ist vermutlich zu unwichtig, um hier eigentlich erwähnt zu sein. Aber seinesgleichen sind es, die zum Selbstmord der Wissenschaft treiben.

PRECARITY – AN ISSUE OF CHANGED LABOUR MARKET AND EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS OR OF CHANGED SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEMS

A new working paper had been published under the heading

PRECARITY – AN ISSUE OF CHANGED LABOUR MARKET AND EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS OR OF CHANGED SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEMS

Reading the abstract may raise your interest in reading the entire paper, prepared for this years EUROMEMO-workshop in London

The fact of an increasing precarity of employment is widely analysed and discussed although we surely face various different definitional approaches. An important part of the differences in the definitions (as matter of the conceptualisation of precarity as analytical and political issue) is due to not tackling sufficiently consensual the following question: Is precarity a matter of dissolving the standard pattern of entering the social security system (i.e. fundamentally rejecting the right to work) or is it a matter of ‘lacking flexibility’ and even retrenchment of social security systems?

The contribution will, first, discuss some of the conceptual and definitional questions. Second, some broad outline of the situation will be given by empirical statements. A final third section will formulate policy demands in a long- and a short-term perspective.

The presentation is connected with editing a book in this area. The relevant individual countries that will be looked at in the book are Hungary, Italy, and Russia.

Partikularität und Ganzheitlichkeit: Gedanken zum Gezi Park

Gastbeitrag[1] von Mehmet Okyayuz[2]

Die unverhältnismässige Gewalt, die am 31. Mai von den Sicherheitskräften gegen Menschen angewandt wurde, die zusammenkamen, um gegen die Transformation des Gezi Parks in ein Einkaufszentrum zu protestieren, hat nach diesem Datum die bis heute andauernden Proteste gegen die Regierung noch intensiviert. Im Verlauf dieses Prozesses haben viele bis dato apolitische Individuen, die den repressiven Aktivismus der AKP-Politik in all seiner Direktheit am eigenen Leib erfahren mussten, die existentielle  Wichtigkeit des “Politisch-Seins” erfasst. In diesem Zusammenhang scheinen die Vorfälle auch die Möglichkeit eröffnet zu haben, dass gegen die Auswirkungen einer seit 10-15 Jahren praktizierten neoliberalen Politik, Widerstand möglich ist. Lassen wir einmal diejenigen, welche diese Politik verteidigen oder diejenigen für die eine Zusamenarbeit mit ersteren profitabel zu sein verspricht, draussen vor; so ist die Hoffnung auf Veränderung dieser Zustände so weit fortgeschritten, dass es in vielen Städten in der Türkei Proteste gab und gibt, in denen die Legitimität der Regierung in Frage gestellt wird. Die an diesen Protesten teilnehmenden Menschen handeln auf der Basis eines Wissens, welches Herrschaftslegitimität nicht auf Wahlergebnisse und/oder auf eine blosse – meist von Rechtsstaatlichkeit losgelöste – Gesetzlichkeit reduziert.

Es ist dieses theoretisch-politische Bewusstsein der protestierenden Menschen, welches Erdoğan soweit in Alarmstimmung oder gar in Angst und Schrecken versetzt haben muss, dass er in einer Rede vom 9. Juni auf dem Esenboğa-Flughafen in Ankara – wieder einmal auf Wahlen und Wahlergebnisse abzielend – als Antwort auf die Proteste davon sprach, “dass der Ort der Abrechnung des Volkes die Wahlurnen (seien), (dass) das Volk uns an die Macht brachte und das Volk es ist, dass uns abtreten lassen wird. Keine Macht ausser dem Volk wird dies tun können”. Am gleichen Tag sprach er in einer Rede in Altınpark/Ankara Drohungen gegen die Protestierenden und deren Unterstützer dergestalt aus, dass “diejenigen, die der Herrschaft des Volkes keinen Respekt zollen, den Preis dafür zu zahlen haben”. Diese Worte zeugen von der Angst der AKP, die zu Recht befürchtet, dass sich eine zivilgesellschaftliche Bewegung zum Schutz der Natur in eine “Volksbewegung” wandeln könnte. Eine Angst, die in emotional-demagogischer Rhetorik gegen die Protestierenden ihren Ausdruck findet.

Meine bisherigen Feststellungen speisen sich bis hierher aus einer Hoffnung, die ich –  womöglich mit unbegründeter Beharrlichkeit – fortzuführen gedenke. Wobei ich zugeben muss, dass nach mehr als 10 Jahren ununterbrochener AKP-Herrschaft, auch wirklicher Bedarf nach solch einer Hoffnung besteht. Gesteht es mir deshalb zu, dass ich diese meine “optimistische” Betrachtungsweise – zumindest anfänglich – weiterführen werde.

Die Gezi Park-Bewegung hat nun den auch faktisch, parallel zu den Forderungen nach einem Abdanken der Regierung, den Schritt weg von einer rein zivilgesellschaftlichen Bewegung zu einer politischen Bewegung “alten Stils” vollzogen. Als Resutat des weiter oben erwähnten theoretisch-politischen Bewusstseins, ist man sich der Beziehung zwischen Naturzerstörung, sozial-ökomischer Politikinhalte im Rahmen von Neo-Liberalismus und den Versuchen,  Lebensstile der Menschen autoritär zu determinieren, bewusst. Ein weiteres Indiz für diese verstandene Wechselwirkung ist der trotz aller Repression “lange Atem” der Protesthandlungen. Auch wenn diese Einheit aus Bewusstsein und “langem Atem” bislang nicht dazu geführt hat, dass die allbekannte Rhetorik von Erdoğan, an die wir uns spätestens seit den Vorfällen an der METU (Middle East Technical University) vom Dezember letzten Jahres gewöhnt haben, sich geändert hat, so haben doch in Reihenfolge Regierungssprecher Hüseyin Çelik und Präsident Abdullah Gül – nicht zuletzt um diese Einheit zu zerstören – das Bedürfnis verspürt, auf die Wichtigkeit von Naturschutz und den darauf abzielenden “begründeten” Forderungen hinzuweisen. Jedoch haben weder die Drohungen von Erdoğan noch Besänftigungsstrategien von Regierungsmitgliedern und Präsident, die auf eine interne “Arbeitsteilung” der Herrschenden hinweisen, dazu geführt, die Proteste zu beenden und die Protestierenden zu befrieden. Der bis zu einem gewissen Grade vergesellschaftete Widerstand geht weiter. Der Grund, warum ich von “gewissem Grade” spreche, liegt darin begründet, dass diese “Vergesellschaftung” (noch) nicht zusammen mit den anderen gesellschaftlichen Kämpfen und deren Forderungen verbunden ist, oder – anders und hoffnunsgvoller ausgedrückt: dass diese Vergesellschaftung augenblicklich noch partikular ist.

Es existiert eine breite und heterogene Masse, die sich sowohl gegen die Transformation von jedweden gesellschaftlichen Räumen – und Taksim und Umgebung wurde zum best bekannten Symbol solch einer Vorgehensweise -, als auch gegen einen moralisierenden Diskurs, sich konkretisierend in Alkoholverboten und Versuchen, den Frauen die Verfügungsgewalt über den eigenen Körper in Form einer neuen Abtreibungsgestzgebung zu nehmen, wendet. Wäre diese “Heterogenität” in “normalen Zeiten Grund für (natürlich notwendige) theoretische Strategiedabetten, so hält man sich im Augenblick verständlicherweise damit zurück, da die unterschiedlichen Gruppen innerhalb der Protestbewegung zwar unterschiedliche Methoden und Forderungen an den Tag legen, dies aber dennoch ihren gemeinsamen oppositionellen Charakter nicht verdeckt.

An die bislang ausgeführten Punkte ist eine “internationale” Dimension zuzufügen. Damit meine ich nicht diejenigen Presseorgane ausserhalb der Türkei, die je nach eigener konjunktureller Interessenlage agierend ständig ihre inhaltliche Position derselben anpassen, sondern die Tatsache, dass die Protestbewegung in der Türkei teilweise auch das politische Handeln der Menschen in anderen Ländern beeinflusst hat. So nahmen beispielsweise am 22. Juni in Köln mehr als 30.000 Menschen an einer von der Alevitischen Gemeinde organisierten Protestversammlung gegen die AKP-Regierung teil. Die im Gezi Park ihren Anfang genommen habenden Proteste sind für diese Menschen zum Symbol für eine demokratische, freie und säkular-humanistiasche Gesellschaft in der Türkei geworden. Nähert man sich der Sache in diesem Lichte, so sind die “Ausländer”, die an den Gezi Park-Protesten in Istanbul und auch später an anderen Orten teilnahmen, nicht Teil eines – wie die Regierungsrhetorik vorgibt – internationalen “Komplotts” gegen die Türkei, sondern Teil eines die nationalen Grenzen überschreitenden Transformationsprozesses, sozusagen eine Art “Türkei-Zweigstelle” der “occupy”-Bewegung.

Vor dem Hintergrund der von neoliberal-islamistischer Politik geprägten gegenwärtigen gesellschaftspolitischen Konjunktur in der Türkei, können die Vorgänge in diesem noch fortdauernden Prozess mit gutem Grund einerseits als gesellschaftlicher Aufbruch gelesen werden. In diesem Zusammenhang besteht – zumindest derzeit – meines Erachtens kein Grund, die Protestbewegung mit “klugen” theoretischen Analysen (und ein bisschen mit der Arroganz eines Aussenstehenden) zu sehr zu kritisieren. Denn “derzeit” ist – wie schon weiter oben erwähnt – der Erfolg dieser Bewegung an eine breite opposionelle Basis gebunden. Auf Dauer aber müssen die verschiedenen Gruppen, ihre Handlunsstrategien und inhaltlichen Forderung selbstverständlich einer Analyse und Kritik unterzogen werden. Dies sei vorausgesetzt. Noch ist es aber so, dass die Forderungen der unterschiedlichen Gezi Park-Akteure, von nationalstaatlichen Gruppen (“Ulusalcılar”) bis hin zu den Feministen, trotz all der Unterschiede in einem allgemeineren oppositionellen Rahmen gesehen werden (sollten). Die “Spreu” wird sich so oder so im weiter währenden Prozess vom “Weizen” trennen. Diese Annäherungsweise ist nicht zuletzt Voraussetzung der gemeinsamen Basis eines oppositionellen Bewusstseins der Protestierenden gegen neoliberale Politik, im Zusammenspiel mit dem oben erwähnten “langen Atem”.

Trotz all dieser die Hoffnung auf Veränderung nährenden Proteste sollte aber andererseits nicht vergessen werden, dass die AKP-Regierung als ein Herschafts-“Projekt” ausgelegt ist, also mehr als nur die technisch-bürokratische “Verwaltung” von politischen “Sachen” ist. So schien denn die Vorstellung einer politischen Überwindung der politischen Kader, welche ihre politisch-gesellschaftliche Hegemonie im Sinne einer neoliberalen Transformation der Türkei mit Instrumenten wie der Verfassungsneugestaltung sowie der möglichen Einführung eines (semi)-präsidentialen Systems vorantreiben, seit geraumer Zeit fast schon nicht mehr realisierbar. Niemand konnte sich die AKP und Erdoğan – und auch sie selbst nicht – so wirklich in Opposition vorstellen. Dies macht eben “erfolgreiche” Hegemonie aus.

Das vielleicht wichtigste Resultat der Proteste war und ist es, diese – fast schon resignative – Vorstellung zum Wanken gebracht zu haben. Das grundlegende Bewegungsgesetz der Linken, die Idee, dass “von Menschen gemachtes auch von Menschen verändert” werden kann, ist selbst zu vielen vormals apolitischen Individuen vorgedrungen und hat sie politisiert.

Dies war und ist die Hauptfunktion der Proteste. Und deshalb mögen wir die Intelligenz und Kreativität der protestierenden Menschen, und in diesem Zusammenhang auch (wieder) die Menschen in den 20ern, von denen wir es gewoht waren sie als apolitisch zu bezeichnen. Ich halte dies für besonders wichtig, denn es gibt viele Gründe für Erfolg und Erfolglosigkeit gesellschaftlichen Widerstandes. Einer besteht zweifelsohne augenblicklich darin, dass die Solidarität zwischen den Generationen (wieder) konkret Gestalt angenommen hat. So “mögen” denn – um von meinem eigenen Arbeitsbereich zu sprechen – Akademiker ihre Studenten wieder mehr als zuvor, was sich auch in solidarischen Presseerklärungen und Unterschriftenaktionen äussert, also nicht nur eine abstrakte Attitüde ist.

Mehr als klare analytische Vorbringungen habe ich bis zu diesem Punkt im Rahmen dieses Textes versucht, die Dinge, die mir zu den Protesten durch den Kopf gehen, zu Papier zu bringen. In diesem Zusammenhang möchte ich auch ein wenig auf den Punkt meiner (weiteren) Erwartungen kommen. Diese könnte man am besten mit dem Stichwort “Ganzheitlichkeit” umschreiben. Das Wesen der Proteste liegt im Widerstand gegen die “Verwüstungen” einer neoliberalen Politik begründet. Die Menschen sind sich bewusst darüber, dass jeder von ihnen früher oder später ein Opfer dieser Politik werden kann. Sie sind sich bewusst darüber, dass Verarmung Deprivation, dass Wettbewerb Vereinsamung, dass eine moralisierende Rhetorik und Politik die Regulierung von Leben, und dass Kriritkunfähigkeit gedankliche Verödung bedeutet. Es is aber wichtig, dass dieses Bewusstsein auf allen Ebenen, insbesondere der Ebene des eigenen Arbeits- und Lebensumfeldes, seine praktische Anwendung findet. Dergestalt beispielsweise, dass den Menschen bewusst sein muss, dass die Institutionen in denen sie arbeiten, als Ergebnis nationaler neoliberaler Politik im Rahmen eines globalen neoliberalen Prozesses schrittweise transformiert werden. Wenn die protestierenden Menschen auf den Plätzen diesen ganzheitliche Dimension zu begreifen beginnen werden, dann werden wie sie noch mehr “mögen”. Letztendlich sollte die Basis der Parole “Her yer Taksim’dir” (Überall ist Taksim) eben auf diesem ganzheitlichem Blick beruhen.

Betrachtet man die Gezi Park-Bewegung unter dem Aspekt eines Hin und Her von Partikularität und Ganzheitlichkeit, so ist es vielleicht nicht falsch, sie möglicherweise als einen Klassenkampf ohne Klassenbewusstsein bezeichnen. Denn ein nicht kleiner Prozentsatz der Protestierenden handelt im Bewusstsein, dass eine keine Grenzen kennende autoritäre Staatsführung in ihre Lebensführung intervenieren und diese regulieren will, und dass man dagegen etwas tun müsse. Diese Menschen, die immer noch davor zurückschrecken sich politisch an Organisationen zu binden (wobei das Bewusstsein solch einer Notwendigkeit durchaus vorhanden ist) definieren sich mehrheitlich als politisch liberal oder links-liberal. Hierzu haben die Ergebnisse einer empirischen Untersuchung der Istanbuler Bilgi-Universität haben gezeigt, dass die grosse Mehrheit der Protestierenden, die als Hauptgrund für ihre Teilnahme an den Protesten die Notwendigkeit eines Zeigens eines anti-autoritären Reeflexes gegen Bevormundung angaben, keine “organische” Verbindung zu irgendeiner politischen Partei aufweisen. 82% der Befragten verstehen sich als politisch liberal; 92% gaben an, ihre Stimme bei den letzten nationalen Wahlen nicht der AKP gegeben zu haben.

Die Frage danach, ob und inwieweit diese Menschen, die in breitem Rahmen eine Transformation der Türkei und im besonderen das Erodieren der eigenen – oftmals nicht detailliert zu beschreibenden – Werte befürchten, zu einem Klassenbewusstsein gelangen können, ist in diesem Zusammenhang wichtig für einen langfristigen, d.h. auch bleibenden anti-hegemonialen Widerstand gegen die AKP. Im Hinblick auf die türkische Linke sei vermerkt, dass deren “Entdeckung” der historisch-gesellschaftlichen Wichtigkeit der (oft vernachlässigten) Mittelschichten geradezu von historischer Signifikanz ist. Es scheint mir in diesem Sinne wichtig zu bemerken, dass das Bewusstsein und der gegenwärtige Aktivismus der Mittelschichten in Verbindung gebracht werden sollte mit der geschichtlich determinierenden Funktion derjenigen, die im Produktionsprozess stehend ihre gesellschaftlichen Kämpfe führen Jedoch scheint trotz diese möglichen Bemühung eine klassenpolitische wirkungsvolle Handlungsweise in engem Sinne – zumindest in naher Zukunft – noch nicht in Sicht. Die Forderungen der Gezi Park-Initiative orientieren sich dazu (noch) zu sehr fast ausschliesslich an Umweltproblemen, der effektiven Verhinderung von Korruption und Vetternwirtschaft, sowie des Kampfes gegen Polizeigewalt, wobei die Wichtigkeit diese Themen für sich genommen nicht bestritten werden soll. In der deutschsprachigen Wikipedia werden die Forderungen der Initiative in Form von Themen wie Presse- und Versammlungsfreiheit sowie der Verteidigug und dem Schutz des Laizismus aufgelistet. Auch wenn diese Forderungen keine klassenspezifischen in engem Sinne darstellen, so sind sie doch die Voraussetzung für jedwede langfristige Transformation. Zudem sollte nicht vergessen werden, das einige wichtige Gewerkschaften und die “traditionelle” Linke in der Bewegung von Anfang an vertreten sind.

Die Linke hat es bislang klugerweise verstanden, in die Handlungsweisen dieser “neuen” Mittelschichtsbewegung nicht von “aussen” zu intervenieren, sondern mit ihnen zusammen zu agieren, wobei diese Vorgehensweise keineswegs eine Abkehr von “klassischen” gesellschaftlichen Widerstandsformen bedeutet.

Was während der Proteste als eines der bestimmendsten Handlungsmuster auffiel, war die Rolle der sozialen Medien, die die Proteste nicht unmassgeblich begleitet und gelenkt haben. Von nahezu jeder Protestaktion wurde man über den Weg des Internets informiert. Eine weitere wichtige Organisationsform sind Foren, die in den Vierteln verschiedener Städte organisiert werden, wo individueller Protest direkt zur Sprache kommen kann. Neben eines ständigen Informationsflusses spielt hier das (Neu)Entstehen eines gesellschaftlichen Gedächtnisses, welches seit dem Militärputsch von 1980 den Menschen genommen worden ist,  eine wichtige Rolle. In unserem Land ist Nicht-Vergessen und Nicht-Vergessen-Lassen für sich genommen bereits eine revolutionäre Handlung. Die Dynamik der Gezi Park-Bewegung speist sich aus diesen Dingen.


[1]                   Ursprünglich hier erschienen

[2]                    aufgewachsen in Deutschland. Studium der Politikwissenschaft, Philosophie und Soziologie in Paris, Berlin und Heidelberg. Magister-Abschluss in Heidelberg, danach Promotion in Marburg.

Seit 1995 Hochschullehrer an der Universitat des Mittleren Ostens in Ankara mit Lehr- und Forschungsschwerpunkten in Politischer Theorie, Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Politikanalyse und Migration.